----- Original Message
-----

From: Jack Venrick

Sent: Friday, November 28, 2008 8:44 PM

Subject: A Treatise On The Corruption of the
Constitutional Conventions in the Several States

To: The Corrupted Union and Their Several States

This treatise is about 40 pages long if you print it out. Why
should you care what happened at these Constitutional Conventions over 200
years ago?  Simply because most of us have not yet heard
both sides of the story.  Once you hear more of this
story,  you will become the judge and jury and not just the
judged.   Knowledge is power to take back our long lost
freedoms, liberties and unalienable rights.

·
There are three levels of abstracts to accommodate those
of you with limited time and interest

1.
one paragraph abstract

2.
one short abstract

3.
one long abstract

4.
the report

·
This information was later
confirmed by two other books noted in the References at the end

o    Please
read References #9 and #10 at the end for a more complete accounting

·
Our worst enemy is our own belief systems

o    We have
been programmed to lay down our rights and our life for what we
believe is on this parchment

o    Yet what
we believe is more often not true or at least misguided when you fully
understand what happened

o    What
follows is only the tip of the sword, so to speak

o    Some may
find this too hard to believe

o    Such is
the nature of "hard truth" which often goes against all we have
been taught to believe

Rough Historical Time
Line Background

·
Benjamin Franklin suggested in 1773, the idea for a Continental
"Congress" but it failed to gain support until the Boston Tea Tax.

·
First Continental "Congress" (i.e. "meetings"
- dinners, gatherings, taverns) Sept. 5, 1774

·
Second Continental "Congress" May 10, 1775

·
On May 10, 1776 the 2nd Continental Congress passed a
resolution, specifically using the word "states,"

o    in
requiring each of the several "states" to write individual
constitutions.

o    Before
that it appears they were in transition from "colonies" to
"republics" to "Commonwealths" (4 were Commonwealths) to
"states".

·
The Continental Congress passes the Articles of Confederation of
the United States of America on November 15, 1777

o    Which
required ratification of ALL 13 STATES

·
Continental Congress existed from 1774 to 1789

·
Continental Congress passes Articles of Confederation of USA
(Confederation Charter) March 1, 1781

·
Continental Congress ends March 1, 1781

·
"The United States in Congress Assembled" begins
March 2, 1781

·
The Constitutional Convention debated what type of government to
form  - May into October 1787 - Philadelphia, Pennsylvania

o    A central
general government or single purpose government or a Confederacy of the
Republics

o    Every
state but Rhode Island sent delegates

o    Constitutional
draft was approved on September 17, 1787

o    And sent
to the "United States in Congress Assembled"

·
United States in Congress Assembled receives the draft

o    they
agreed to send it to the several states on September 28, 1787...

§
for debate in each of the state separate ratifying
conventions

o    "Some"
congressman were so displeased at the Convention they walked out

§
the conventions were assumed to revise the Articles of
Confederation

§
not to come up with a new plan for a central government

Introduction

Jonathan Elliot collected and published a series of debate (The
Elliot Debates) in the several state conventions in 1787 together with other
sources.

The U.S. Constitution took 4 years to "ratify"
starting in 1786 at Annapolis, Maryland Convention, then Philadelphia
Convention in 1787 with ratification of the last of the original 13 colonies by
Rhode Island, May 29, 1790. It was adopted in September 17, 1787.

As you will discover below, the vast majority of the state convention
"delegates" considered direct taxes to be "dangerous and
oppressive" in the words of Luther Martin, one of the delegates and
Attorney General and delegate of Maryland.

Also you will discover the "rest of the story" and the hard
truth that is stranger than fiction.

This is NOT my opinion - This information is directly from the
Elliot Debates Record plus a few other sources listed below.

Original spelling from the Elliot Debate Material is not
corrected.

Abstract - One Paragraph

This is a "minority report" of how a handful of men
rammed through an idea to take control of 13 free and independent
states and the territories thereof, using fear, violence, secret meetings,
backroom deals, voting fraud, agenda tactics, big city power politics, without
full authority of their applicable state legislatures & the citizens
therein, while stampeding the people away from a very simple original
idea of a single purpose government limited to the regulation of trade
ONLY funded with a 5% tax on imposts into a central and general,
relative at the time, all powerful government, i.e. our current form of a
"Constitutional Republic."

Abstract - Short Version

1. 5 of the 13 states "ratified" no direct taxes at all
in their conventions

2. 5 of the 13 states "ratified" no direct taxes with
emergency only exceptions

3. 2 of the 13 states "ratified" direct taxes with
general limitations

4. Georgia had no position on direct taxes

5. Despite 10 states insisting on no direct taxes and some
with emergency only exceptions, this wording was omitted from the Constitution

6. Some states stated that direct taxes were contrary to
their sovereignty as well as individual sovereignty

7. The Pennsylvania Convention went on for 4 months in a closed
door session with utmost secrecy

8. Violence was used to drag dissenting member back to the floor to
force a quorum

9. The assembly who called the convention were accused of
acting as individuals not as the legislature of the state

10. The Constitutional Convention was also accused of being in direct
violation of the 13th Article of the Articles of the Confederation

11. The conventions were not the Continental Congress and were
told they had no authority to do what they did

12. The opponents to the Constitution and the conventions wanted a
Confederation of Republics NOT a consolidated general Constitutional Republic

13. The Constitutional Conventions were suppose to submit their
convention findings to their legislatures

o    then the
legislatures were to submit it to their people

o    Only then
it became an act of the people

o    the
Constitution was never put before the people

o    the
Constitution was never approved by the people

o    Lysander
Spooner said the same thing - http://www.lysanderspooner.org/

14.  Those who framed the Constitution were accused of
exceeding their power by "very far."

15. The dissenters to the Constitution had grave concerns of the extreme
judicial power of the consolidated federal government"

16. "A consolidated government is executed by force"

17. The "Constitution" was rammed through by certain elite
factions in the big cities

18. The original idea was NOT a limited government NOR a consolidated
government BUT

o    a single
purpose government for the regulation of trade only using only 5% impost
(customs duty)

19. There was strong objection to the use of "We the people"
by some delegates - "We, the people, is surely an assumed power. "

20. "This government will not enjoy the confidence of the people,
but be executed by force"

21.  Edmond J. Randolph, a Virginia State Constitutional
delegate who ultimately became the Secretary of State under President
Washington, was forced to resign after embezzling gold from the treasury for a
clandestine plan to invade the several states and recover them for England

Abstract - Long Version

Here are the high points. More detail follows if you wish to
scroll through the extracted quotes highlighted and underscored below the
Abstract.

1. 4 of the 13 states convention "delegates"
"ratified" no direct taxes at all, 5 including Rhode Island's
qualification of no poll or capitation tax

2. 5 of the 13 states convention "delegates"
"ratified" no direct taxes with emergency only exceptions

3. 2 of the 13 states convention "delegates"
"ratified" direct taxes with general limitations

4. Georgia had no position on direct taxes

5. Despite 10 state conventions strong objections and limitation against
direct taxes.......

o    these
strict definitive limitations were omitted from the Constitutional wording
completely

6. Direct taxes were considered contrary to the sovereignty
of a free state and a free citizen

7. 5 of the 13 states conventions "ratified"came
within 3 to 9.6% of rejecting the Constitution

8. 65% of the state convention "delegates" voted
for the new federal constitution

9. 35% of the state convention "delegates" voted
against the federal constitution

10. The Pennsylvania Convention went on for 4 months under
these conditions:

o    doors were
kept shut,

o    members
brought under utmost secrecy,

o    many
refused to sign, opposed to the convention going so far beyond their powers

o    it is
agreed on all hands to be a work of haste and accommodation

o    i.e. this
"Constitution" was rammed through

o    "the
journals of the conclave are still concealed"

o    Members of
the Continental convention acted a individuals in proposing the plan

§
NOT as deputies from (Pennsylvania)

o    The
assembly who called the (Pennsylvania) state convention acted as individuals

§
NOT as the legislature

o    The
Constitutional Convention is in direct violation of the 13th article of the
Articles of Confederation

§
the 13th article requires "Every state shall
abide by the determination of the State.."

§
Article VII of the Constitution states only nine
States shall be sufficient for the establishment of the Constitution between
the States so ratifying the Same.

§
the conventions were not the Continental Congress
and had no authority to do what they did

o    Violence
was used to commandeer members of the Pennsylvania Commonwealth who left, to
forcibly bring them back, to get a quorum

11. The opponents of the constitution, i.e. some 577
"delegates" or 35% of the total wanted a
Confederation of Republics

o    NOT a
Consolidated "Constitutional" Republic

o    they
considered that a centralized government would be used against the free states (Isn't
20-20 hindsight great)

o    they
considered a consolidated government representation unsafe because -

§
of the exercise extreme
power and trusts

§
exposed to corruption
and undue influence,

§
the gift of the numerous
places of honor and emolument at the disposal of the executive;

§
by the arts and address of
the great and designing

§
and by direct bribery.

12. The Constitutional Conventions were suppose to submit their
convention findings to their legislatures

o    then the
legislatures were to submit it to their people

o    ONLY then
it became an act of the people

o    It appears
some of the convention "transmitted" their findings to -

§
"The United States in Congress Assembled" directly

§
Researchers are still digging for validation of who did and who did
not transmit their recommendations

§
http://www.barefootsworld.net/constit9.html

o    the
Constitution was never put before the people

o    the
Constitution was never approved by the people

o    it was
only "witnessed" vs. approved

o    "no part
of it is binding until the whole Constitution received the solemn assent of the
people"

13. " The so called "delegates" did not represent the people and
were not meant to"

14. "The dissenters to the Constitution had grave concerns of the extreme
judicial power of the consolidated federal government"

o    judicial
power under the proposed constitution i founded on civil law by which judges
determines both law and fact

o    appeals
are allowed from the inferior tribunals to the superior

o    facts as
well as law would be reexamined and new facts brought forward in the court of
appeals

o    trial by
jury is only secured by the constitution in criminal cases

o    the
appeal of both law and fact is inconsistent with the principles of the common
law and trial by jury

o    ...the
absurdity of calling and swearing juries merely for the purpose of
contradicting their verdicts which would render juries contemptible and worse
than useless

o    courts
would decide all cases of law and equity which is a well known characteristic
of the civil law

o    courts
would have jurisdiction over laws of the U.S., treaties, cases affecting
ambassadors, admiralty and maritime

o    the
monstrous expense and inconveniences of the mode of proceedings

o    the
lengthy proceedings of the civil law courts

o    the poor
man must therefore submit to the wealthy

o    length of
the purse will too often prevail against right and justice"

15. "A consolidated government is executed by force" - (does
this sound all to familiar with your 20-20 hind sight?)

o
"a very expensive and burdensome government

o
the standing army must be numerous

o
it will be the policy of this government to
multiply officers in every department

o
judges, collectors, tax-gatherers, excisemen and
the whole host of revenue officers will swarm over the land

o
devouring the hard earning of the industrious

o
Like the locusts of old, impoverishing and
desolating all before them"

16. "The gentlemen who
"framed" the Constitution have exceeded their owners, and very
far."

17. Voting Fraud - Colonial Style - (DOES THIS SOUND FAMILIAR
TOO?)

·
"but on examining the number of votes given for members of
the resent state convention,

o
we find that of upwards of seventy thousand
freemen who are entitled to vote in Pennsylvania, (original
spelling)

o
the whole convention has been elected by about thirteen
thousand voters, and

o
though two thirds of the members of the convention have
thought proper to ratify the proposed constitution,

o
yet those two thirds were elected by the votes of only six
thousand and eight hundred freemen."

·
the Articles of Confederation required unanimous approval of
all the several "states"

·
the Constitution only "required" 9 of the several states
to ratify -

·
Article. VII. - The Ratification of the Conventions of nine
States, hall be sufficient for the Establishment of this Constitution
between the States so ratifying the Same.

·
Why wasn't it unanimous like the Articles of Confederation

o    Answer -
they knew they could not get an unanimous decision immediately, so rather that
waiting for all the states/Commonwealths, they orchestrated a separate article
to buy off the Constitution by the 9 states and pressure the others later into
compliance if they had too.

18. In
short the "Constitution" was rammed through by certain factions in
the big cities (Does This Sound Familiar also?)

o
to accomplish an agenda

o
Many delegates were strongly opposed too the aggressiveness of
those who demanded such extreme unlimited powers

19. The
agenda was to force the independent states into a consolidated general
central government (Federalist)

o
a general government was feared by many states to be stronger than
the states (Anti-federalist)

§  which was
feared to over ride individual state right

§  which
were further feared to bully individual unalienable right

§  which
then forced a compromise, i.e. "Bill of Rights"

20. The original idea was NOT a limited government NOR a
consolidated government

o
BUT a single purpose government, i.e.

o
"give it 5% of the impost (customs duty)

o
for the regulation of TRADE ONLY"

o
"Their ideas reached no
farther than to give the general government the five per centum impost, and the
regulation of trade."

21. "There was strong objection to the use of "We
the people" by some delegates

o
"We, the people, is surely an assumed power.

·  Have they said, We, the
delegates of the people?

·  It seems to me that, when
they met i Convention, they assumed more power than was given them.

·  Did the people give them the
power of using their name?

·  This power was in the
people. They did not give it up to the members of the Convention.

·  If, therefore, they had not
this power, they assumed it.

·  It is the interest of every
man, who is a friend to liberty, to oppose the assumption of power as soon as
possible.

·  I see no reason why they
assumed this power. "

·  they had no power, from the
people at large, to use their name, or to act for them.

·  They were not delegated for
that purpose."

·
Mr. MACLAINE. "The reverend gentleman has told us, that the
expression, We, the people, is wrong,

·
because the gentlemen who framed it were not the
representatives of the people.

·
I readily grant that they were delegated by
states.

·
But they did not think that they were the people,
but intended it for the people, at a future day.

·
The sanction of the state legislatures was in some degree
necessary.

·
It was to be submitted by the legislatures to the
people; so that, when it i adopted, it is the act of the
people.

·
When it is the act of the people, their name is
certainly proper.

·
This is very obvious and plain to any
capacity"

22.
"As this government will not enjoy the confidence of the people, but be
executed by force,

§
it will be a very expensive and burthensome
government.

§
The standing army must be numerous, and as a
further support,

§
it will be the policy of this government to
multiply officers in every department:

§
judges, collectors, tax-gatherers, excisemen and
the whole host of revenue officers will swarm over the land,

§
devouring the hard earnings of the industrious.

§
Like the locusts of old, impoverishing and
desolating all before them."

23.
Edmond J. Randolph, a Virginia State Constitutional delegate who ultimately
became the Secretary of State under President Washington, was forced to resign
after embezzling gold from the treasury for a clandestine plan to invade the
several states and recover them for England.  He conspired with the
French Ambassador to raise a private army in Florida and Louisiana.

I. Elliot Debates & State Ratification Positions Summarized

The debate results are captured in a couple tables below so you
can see the outcome among the several states regarding direct tax. 19 delegates
of some 7 states were clearly defined - Maryland, Massachusetts, Connecticut,
New York, Pennsylvania, Virginia, North Carolina, New Hampshire, Rhode island
and South Carolina. Rhode Island, Delaware, Georgia & New Jersey delegates
were not individually identified in the Elliot debate collection, however their
positions were found in the ratification statements of the applicable states.

TABLE 1. - Elliot Debate Convention "Delegate" Records

Table 1 - Summary

1. 8 of the 19 delegates and 4 of the represented 10 state aid no
direct taxes at all, 5 states counting Rhode Island (see Footnote 3 )

o
Massachusetts, Connecticut, Virginia, North
Carolina amp; Rhode Island said no direct tax at all

o
Footnote 3 - Rhode Island adds no poll tax AND no capitation tax

2. 5 of the 19 delegates and 4 of the represented 10 state aid no
direct taxes except in war or extraordinary emergencies

o
and 2 of these state had grave concerns even the

3. 2 of the 19 delegates and 5 of the represented 10 state aid no
direct taxes unless insufficient revenue AND

o
if state is delinquent in payment of its share of central
government expenses

4. 2 of the 19 delegates and 4 of the represented 10 state aid no
direct taxes unless insufficient revenue

5. 2 of the 19 delegates and 2 of the states said direct taxes
only with general limitations and reservations

TABLE 2. - Continental Convention "Delegates"
"Ratification" Records

Table 2 - Summary

1.
4 of the 13 states ratified no direct taxes under any
conditions counting Rhode Island use no poll and no capitation tax

o
Connecticut, Virginia & North Carolina conventions
"ratified no direct taxes under any conditions

o
Massachusetts first voted for both no direct
taxes under any conditions then added unless war and emergencies

2.
6 of the 13 states conventions ratified no direct tax unless
insufficient indirect funds AND state is delinquent

3.
Rhode Island, one of the above mentioned states, also
conditioned the direct tax to no poll AND no capitation tax

4.
Pennsylvania ratified a direct tax with general limitations amp;
reservations

5.
New Jersey ratified direct taxes shall be apportioned among the
several states

6.
Georgia had no position stated on direct tax

7.
65% of the 1648 delegates of the then 13 several states voted for
the federal constitution (The Federalists)

8.
35% of the 1648 voted against it (the Anti-Federalists)

9.
Notice 5 of the states came within less than 10% of rejecting the
constitution

Observations

1.
Notice the Elliot debate records show 5 (counting Rhode Island) of
the states voting for no direct taxes under any conditions

2.      Notice the state ratification documents show only
4 (counting Rhode Island with no poll or no capitation tax) of the states
voting for no direct taxes under any conditions

3.      7 states voted no direct taxes except certain
exceptions for emergency situations

4.
Notice this overwhelming resistance and limitations to the direct
tax completely left out of the constitutional wording

1.
"Art. I. Section 2, Clause 3 - "Representatives and direct
Taxes shall be apportioned among the several States ...."

5.
Why were 10 of the 13 states debated and ratified restrictions to a
direct tax omitted from the Constitution?

II. Direct Tax History 101

While history including
modern times i filled with just about every form of tyrannical taking of
private property including one's home, land, animals, wages, etc.; it is
critical to understand the following perspective.

1.
"Direct taxes were only imposed on the lower classes like the
French taille or the Russian soul tax as in inferior social status, poorest
people

2.
The affluent were ASKED for money only in national emergencies and
were considered voluntary aids.

3.
In England, direct taxes were viewed as gifts offered to the crown
through the subjects representatives

4.
This attitude prevailed in colonial America

5.
In ancient Athens, taxes were considered a hallmark of tyranny
& Athenian citizens were exempt from them

6.
The city state financed itself from incomes of public properties,
court fees, indirect taxes, harbor tax, etc.

7.
Athenians donated money to the city defense according to their
ability

8.
As a rule direct taxes in Europe were emergency wartime measures

9.
The power to tax was considered a form of eminent domain without
compensation

10.
The American Revolution war was not financed by direct tax but by
loans, donations, etc.

11.
Early American government met its expenses from custom duties and
sale of land" Property & Freedom, Richard Pipes

12.
The corruption of the Constitutional limits on taxes by war and
CON..gress - see Table 3

13.
"Income" taxes are unconstitutional

o
The 16th Amendment was never fully ratified by the then 48 states

o
And even if it was, it was meant to be for legal fiction corporate
profit and gain

o
i.e. an indirect tax on corporations not on the private property
of sovereign state Citizens

o
There have been a number of high court rulings confirming this

o
Never-the-less, this is all ignored by the government and those
non government groups living off this fraud

14.
Property taxes are also unconstitutional and have been ruled so by
at least 4 state high courts

o
i.e. they are not apportioned

o
and even if they were, that too would be unconstitutional as you
learn

15.
Sales taxes are an excise tax and cannot be transferred directly
or added on to a consumer sale like currently and fraudulently being done.

o
i.e. it must be absorbed into the cost and pricing of the product
by the merchant

o
then the consumer must make a free choice which product i cheaper
that he wants to buy

16.
"Flat taxes, Fair taxes, Death taxes, VAT taxes are all
unconstitutional, unnecessary and immoral

o
These tax scam myths are perpetrated by groups who live off the
donations from the gullible

o
They will deny it because they read history the way it best lines
their pockets

III. The Railroading of the Constitution through Pennsylvania
Commonwealth

Table 3

Compiled by J.R. Venrick

A. This dissent is written by the following 23
"delegates" who also cast the NAYS to "ratification" of the
Philadelphia Constitutional convention.

·
Note one of the delegate is Abraham Lincoln.

Nathaniel Breading,

John Ludwig,

John Smilie

Abraham Lincoln

Richard Baird

John Bishop

Adam Orth

Joseph Heister

John A. Hanna

Joseph Powel

John Whitehill

James Martin

John Harris

William Findley

Robert Whitehill

John Baird

John Reynolds

James Edgar

Jonathan Hoge

William Todd.

Nicholas Lutz

·
"The Continental convention met in the city of Philadelphia at
the time appointed.

o
It was composed of some men of excellent character

o
of others who were more remarkable for their ambition and
cunning, than their patriotism;

o
and of some who had been opponents to the
independence of the United States.

o
The doors were kept shut, and the members
brought under the most solemn engagements of secrecy.

o
Whilst the gilded chains were forging in the secret conclave,

o
the meaner instruments of despotism without, were busily
employed in alarming the fears of the people with dangers which did not exist,

o
and exciting their hopes of greater advantages
from the expected plan than even the best government on earth could produce.

·
The proposed plan had not many hours issued forth from the womb of
suspicious secrecy, ...

·
While every measure was taken to intimidate the people against
opposing it, the public papers teemed with the most violent threats
against those who should dare to think for themselves, and tar and
feathers were liberally promised to all those who would not
immediately join in supporting the proposed government be it what it would.

·
Under such circumstances petitions i favour of calling a convention
were signed by great numbers in and about the city, before they had
leisure to read and examine the system, many of whom, now they are better
acquainted with it, and have had time to investigate its principles, are
heartily opposed to it.

·
The petitions were speedily handed into the legislature.

·
That violence and outrage which had been so
often threatened was now practiced;

·
some of the members were seized the next day by a
mob collected for the purpose,

·
and forcibly dragged to the house, and there
detained by force whilst the quorum of the legislature, so formed,
compleated their resolution.

·
The assembly who called the state convention acted as
individuals, and not as the legislature of Pennsylvania; nor could they or
the convention chosen on their recommendation have authority to do any act or
thing, that can alter or annihilate the constitution of Pennsylvania..

·
(both of which will be done by the new
constitution) nor are their proceedings in our opinion, at all binding on
the people.

·
but on examining the number of votes given for members of the
present state convention,

o    we find
that of upwards of seventy thousand freemen
who are intitled to vote in Pennsylvania,

o    the whole
convention has been elected by about thirteen
thousand voters, and

o    though two
thirds of the members of the convention have thought roper to ratify the
proposed constitution,

o    yet those
two thirds were elected by the votes of only six thousand and eight hundred freemen.

·
During the discussion we met with many insults, and some
personal abuse; we were not even treated with decency..

o    for the
preservation of those invaluable rights you have thought proper to commit to
our charge, we acted with a spirit becoming freemen,..

o    that has
so often baffled the attempts of a aristocratic faction, to rivet the
shackles of slavery on you and your unborn posterity

B. WE DISSENT ..

1.
"a very extensive territory cannot be governed...than by a confederation
of republics..but united in the management of their general and foreign
concerns

2.
because the powers vested in Congress by this constitution,
must necessarily annihilate and absorb the legislative, executive, and judicial
powers of the several states,

o
and produce from their ruins one consolidated government,

o
which from the nature of things will be art iron handed
despotism,

o
as nothing short of the supremacy of despotic sway could
connect and govern these United States under one government.

o
The powers of Congress under the new constitution, are complete
and unlimited over the purse and the sword,

o
and are perfectly independent of, and supreme over, the state
governments; whose intervention in these great points is entirely destroyed

o
By virtue of their power of taxation.

§  Congress
may command the whole, or any part of the property of the people.

§  They may
impose what imposts upon commerce;

§  they may impose
what land taxes, poll taxes, excises, duties on all written instruments, and
duties on every other article that they may judge proper;

§  in short,
every species of taxation, whether of a external or internal nature is
comprised in section the 8th, of article the 1st, viz. "The Congress shall
have power to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, to pay the
debts, and provide for the common defence and general welfare of the United
States.

§  "As
there is no one article of taxation reserved to the state governments,

§  the
Congress may monopolise every source of revenue,

§  and thus
indirectly demolish the state governments,

§  for
without funds they could not exist, the taxes, duties and excises imposed by
Congress

§  may be so
high as to render it impracticable to levy further sums on the same articles;

§  but
whether this should be the case or not, if the state governments should presume
to impose taxes, duties or excises, of the same articles with Congress,

§  the
latter may abrogate and repeal the laws whereby they are imposed, upon the
allegation that they interfere with the due collection of their taxes, duties
or excises, by virtue of the following clause,

§  part of
section 8th, article 1st. viz. "To make all laws which shall be necessary
and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers, and all other
powers vested by this constitution in the government of the United States, or
in any department or officer thereof."

3.
Because if it were practicable to govern so extensive a territory
as these United States includes,

o
on the plan of a consolidated government,

o
consistent with the principles of liberty and
the happiness of the people,

o
yet the construction of this constitution is NOT
calculated to attain the object,

o
for independent of the nature of the case, it would of itself, necessarily,
produce a despotism,

o
and that not by the usual gradations, but with the celerity that
has hitherto only attended revolutions effected by the sword.

o
The representation is unsafe, because
in the exercise of such great powers and trusts,

§  it is so
exposed to corruption and undue influence,

§  by the
gift of the numerous places of honor and emoluments at the disposal of the
executive;

§  by the
arts and address of the great and designing

§  and by direct
bribery.

o
The judicial power, under the proposed constitution, i founded on
the well-known principles of the civil law, by which the judge
determines both on law and fact, and appeals are allowed from the inferior
tribunals to the superior, upon the whole question; so that facts as
well as law, would be re-examined, and even new facts brought
forward in the court of appeals; and to use the words of a very eminent
Civilian - "The cause is many times another thing before the court of
appeals, than what it was at the time of the first sentence."

o
That this mode of proceeding is the one which must be adopted
under this constitution, is evident from the following circumstances: -

§  1st. That
the trial by jury, which is the grand characteristic of the common law,
is secured by the constitution, only in criminal cases. -

§  2d. That
the appeal from both law and fact i expressly established, which is utterly
inconsistent with the principles of the common law, and trials by jury.
The only mode in which an appeal from law and fact can be established, is, by
adopting the principles and practice of the civil law; unless the United State
should be drawn into the absurdity of calling and swearing juries,
merely for the purpose of contradicting their verdicts, which would render
juries contemptible and worse than useless. -

§  3d. That
the courts to be established would decide on all cases of law and equity,
which is a well known characteristic of the civil law, and these courts
would have conusance not only of the laws of the United States and of treaties,
and of cases affecting ambassadors, but of all cases of admiralty and
maritime jurisdiction, which last are matters belonging exclusively to the
civil law, in every nation in Christendom.

§  Not to
enlarge upon the loss of the invaluable right of trial by an unbiased jury,
so dear to every friend of liberty,

§
the monstrous expence and inconveniences of the
mode of proceedings to be adopted,

§
are such as will prove intolerable to the people
of this country.

§
The lengthy proceedings of the civil law court
in the chancery of England, and in the courts of Scotland and France, are such
that few men of moderate fortune can endure the expence of

§
the poor man must therefore submit to the
wealthy.

§
Length of purse will too often prevail against
right and justice.

§
For instance, we are told by the learned judge
Blackstone, that a question only on the property of an ox, of the value of
three guineas, originating under the civil law proceedings in Scotland, after
many interlocutory orders and sentence below, was carried at length from the
court of sessions, the highest court in that part

§  The power
of direct taxation will further apply to every individual, as congress may tax
land, cattle, trades, occupations, etc. in any amount, and every object of
internal taxation i of that nature, that however oppressive, the people
will have but this alternative, except to pay the tax, or let their property
be taken, for all resistance will be in vain. The standing army and
elect militia would enforce the collection.

§  A
standing army in the hands of a government placed so independent of the people,

§  may be
made a fatal instrument to overturn the public liberties;

§  it may be
employed to enforce the collection of the most oppressive taxes,

§  and to
carry into execution the most arbitrary measures.

§  An
ambitious man who may have the army at his devotion, may step up into the
throne, and seize upon absolute power.

§  The
absolute unqualified command that Congress have over the militia

§  may be
made instrumental to the destruction of all liberty,

§  both
public and private;

§  whether
of a personal, civil or religion nature.

§  As this
government will not enjoy the confidence of the people, but e executed by force,

§  it will
be a very expensive and burthensome government.

§  The
standing army must be numerous, and as a further support,

§  it will
be the policy of this government to multiply officers i every department:

§  judges,
collectors, tax-gatherers, excisemen and the whole host of revenue officers
will swarm over the land,

§  devouring
the hard earnings of the industrious.

§  Like the
locusts of old, impoverishing and desolating all before them."

IV. The Debates in The Convention of the State of North Carolina
on the Adoption of the Federal Constitution

o
.. it appears to this committee, that there was a disturbance
and riot at the first election,

§  before
all the tickets could be taken out of the box, and the box was then taken
away by violence; at which time it appear there were a sufficient number of
tickets remaining in the box to have given a majority of the whole poll to five
others of the candidates, besides those who had a majority of the votes at the
time when the disturbance and riot happened. It is, therefore, the opinion of
this committee, that the sheriff could have made no return of any five member
elected; nor was there any evidence before the committee by which they could determine,
with certainty, which candidates had a majority of vote of the other electors.

o    Mr.
CALDWELL. Mr. Chairman, those maxims which I conceive to e the fundamental
principles of every safe and free government, are -

§
1st. A government is a compact between the rulers and the people,

§
2d. Such a compact ought to be lawful in itself.

§
3d. It ought to be lawfully executed.

§
4th. Unalienable rights ought not to be given up, if not necessary.

§
5th. The compact ought to be mutual.

§
And, 6th. It ought to be plain, obvious, and easily understood.

§
Now, sir, if these principles be just, by
comparing the Constitution with them, we shall be able to judge whether it is
fit for our adoption.

o    Mr.
GOUDY. Mr. Chairman, I wonder that these gentlemen, learned in the law,
should quibble upon words.

§
I care not whether it be called a compact, agreement, covenant,
bargain, or what.

§
Its intent is a concession of power, on the art of the people, to
their rulers.

§
We know that private interest govern mankind generally.

§
Power belongs originally to the people; but if
ruler e not well guarded, that power may be usurped from them.

§
People ought to be cautious in giving away power.

§
These gentlemen say there is no occasion for general rules: every
one has one for himself.

§
Every one has an unalienable right of thinking for himself.

§
..If we give away more power than we ought, we put ourselves in
the situation of a man who puts on an iron glove, which he can never take off
till he breaks his arm.

§
Let us beware of the iron glove of tyranny.

§
Power is generally taken from the people by
imposing on their understanding, or by fetters.

§
Let us lay down certain rules to govern our proceedings.

§
It will be highly proper, in my opinion, and I very much wonder
that gentlemen should object to it.

o    Mr.
RUTHERFORD. The honorable gentleman has mistaken me. Sorry I am that it is so
late taken up by North Carolina, if we are to be influenced and persuaded in
this manner. I am unhappy to hear gentlemen of learning and integrity preach
up the doctrine of adoption by the states.

§
Sir, it is my opinion that we ought to decide it as if no state
had adopted it.

§
Are we to be thus intimidated into a measure of which we may
disapprove?

o
The preamble of the Constitution was then read to the
convention.........

o
Mr. CALDWELL. Mr. Chairman, if they mean, We, the people, -
the people at large, - I conceive the expression is improper.

§  Were not
they who framed this Constitution {16} the representatives of the legislatures
of the different states?

§  In my
opinion, they had no power, from the people at large, to use their name, or
to act for them.

§  They were
not delegated for that purpose.

o
Mr. MACLAINE. The reverend gentleman has told us, that the
expression, We, the people, is wrong,

§  because
the gentlemen who framed it were not the representatives of the people.

§  I readily
grant that they were delegated by states.

§  But they
did not think that they were the people, but intended it for the people, at
a future day.

§  The
sanction of the state legislatures was in some degree necessary.

§  It was to
be submitted by the legislatures to the people; so that, when
it i adopted, it is the act of the people.

§  When it is the
act of the people, their name is certainly proper.

§  This is
very obvious and plain to any capacity.

o
Mr. DAVIE. Mr. Chairman, the observation of the reverend gentleman
is grounded

§  or
whatever powers they might propose to give this new government,

§  no part of
it was binding until the whole Constitution had received the solemn assent of
the people.

§  What was
the object of our mission? "To decide upon the most effectual means of
removing the defects of our federal union."

§  Were not
the state legislature afterwards to review our proceedings?

§  Is it not
immediately through their recommendation that the plan of the
Convention is submitted to the people?

o
Mr. CALDWELL wished to know why the gentlemen who were delegated
by the states, styled themselves We, the people. He said that he only
wished for information.

Mr. IREDELL answered, that it would be easy to satisfy the
gentleman; that the style, We, the people, was not to
be applied to the members themselves, but was to be the style of the
Constitution, when it should be ratified i
their respective states.

Mr. JOSEPH TAYLOR. Mr. Chairman, the very
wording of this Constitution seems to carry with it a {24} assumed power.

§  "We, the people, is surely an assumed power."

§  Have they said, We, the delegates of the people?

§  It seems to me that, when they met in Convention, they assumed more power than was given them.

§  Did the
people give them the power of using their name?

§  This power
was in the people. They did not give it up to the members of the Convention.

§  If,
therefore, they had not this power, they assumed it.

§  It is the
interest of every man, who is a friend to liberty, to oppose the assumption of
power as soon as possible.

§  I see no
reason why they assumed this power.

§  Matters
may be carried still farther. This is a consolidation of all the states. Had it
said, We, the states, there would have been a federal intention in it.
But, sir, it is clear that a consolidation is intended.

§  Will any
gentleman say that a consolidated government will answer this country? It is
too large.

§  The man
who has a large estate cannot manage it with convenience. I conceive that, in
the present case, a consolidated government can by no means suit the genius of
the people. The gentleman from Halifax (Mr. Davie) mentioned reasons for such a
government. They have their weight, no doubt; but at a more convenient time we
can show their futility.

§  We see
plainly that men who come from New England are different from us. They are
ignorant of our situation; they do not know the state of our country. They
cannot with safety legislate for us.

§  I am
astonished that the servants of the legislature of North Carolina should go to
Philadelphia, and, instead of speaking of the state of North Carolina, should
speak of the people.

§  I wish to
stop power as soon as possible; for they may carry their assumption of power to
a more dangerous length.

§  I wish to
know where they found the power of saying We, the people, and of
consolidating the states.

o
Mr. MACLAINE. Mr. Chairman, I confess myself astonished to hear
objections to the preamble. They say that the delegate to the Federal
Convention assumed powers which were not granted them; that they ought not to
have used the words We, the people.

o
That they were not the delegates of the people,
is universally acknowledged.

o
The Constitution is only a mere proposal.

o
Had it been binding on us, there might be a
reason for objecting.

§  this is
very similar to Lysander Spooner's writing (Jack's side comments)

o
After they had finished the plan,

§  they
proposed that it should be recommended to the people by the several state
legislatures.

o
If the people approve of it, it become their
act. Is not this merely a dispute about words, without any meaning
whatever? Suppose any gentleman of this Convention had drawn up this government,
and we thought it a good one; we might respect his intelligence and integrity,
but it would not be binding upon us. We might adopt it if we thought it a
proper system, and then it would be our act. Suppose it had been made by our
enemies, or had dropped from the clouds; we might adopt it if we found it
proper for our adoption. By whatever means we found it, it would be our act as
soon as we adopted it. It is no more than a blank till it be adopted by the
people. When that is done here, is it not the people of the state of North
Carolina that do it, joined with the people of the other states who have
adopted it? The expression is, then, right. But the gentleman has gone farther,
and says that the people of New England are different from us. This goes
against the Union altogether. They are not to legislate for us; we are to be
represented as well as they. Such a futile objection strikes at all union. We
know that without union we should not have been debating now. I hope to hear no
more objections of this trifling nature, but that we shall enter into the
spirit of the subject at once.

Mr. CALDWELL observed, that he only wished to know why they had
assumed the name of the. people.

Mr. JAMES GALLOWAY. Mr. Chairman, I trust we hall not take up more
time on this point. I shall just make a few remark on what has been said by the
gentleman from Halifax. He has gone through our distresses, and those of the
other states. As to the weakness of the Confederation, we all know it. A sense
of this induced the different state to send delegates to Philadelphia. They had
given them certain powers; we have seen them, they are now upon the table. The
result of their deliberations is now upon the table also. As they have gone out
of the line which the states pointed out to them, we, the people, are to take
it up and consider it.

§  The
gentlemen who framed it have exceeded their powers, and very far.

They will be able, perhaps, to give reason for so doing. If they
can show us any reasons, we will, no doubt, take notice of them. But, on the
other hand, if our civil and religion liberties are not secured, and proper
checks provided, we have the power in {26} our own hands to do with it as we
think proper. I hope gentlemen will V. The Debates in The
Convention of the State of Virginia on the Adoption of the Federal
Constitution

Mr.
Grayson: "There are certain modes of governing the people which will
succeed. There are others which will not.

·
The idea of consolidation is abhorrent to the
people of this country.

·
How were the sentiments of the people before the meeting of the
Convention at Philadelphia?

o    They had
only one object in view.

o    Their
ideas reached no farther than to give the general government the five per
centum impost, and the regulation of trade.

o    When it
was agitated in Congress, in a committee of the whole, this was all that was
asked, or was deemed necessary.

o    Since that
period, their views have extended much farther.

o    Horrors
have been greatly magnified since the rising of the Convention."

·
I admit that coercion is necessary in every government in some
degree; that it is manifestly wanting in our present government, and that the
want of it has ruined many nations.

o    But I
should be glad to know what great degree of coercion is in this Constitution,
more than in the old government, if the states will refuse to comply with
requisitions, and they can only be compelled by means of an army.

o    Suppose
the people will not pay the taxes is not the sword to be then employed?

o    The
difference is this -

§
that, by this Constitution, the sword i employed
against individuals;

§
by the other, it is employed against the states,
which is more honorable.

o    Suppose a
general resistance to pay taxes in such a state a Massachusetts; will it not be
precisely the same thing as a non-compliance with requisitions?

·
We ought to be wise enough to guard against the
abuse of such a government.

o    Republics,
in fact, oppress more than monarchies.

o    If we
advert to the page of history, we shall find this disposition too often manifested
in republican governments.

o    The
Romans, in ancient, and the Dutch, in modern times, oppressed their provinces
in a remarkable degree.

·
Here Mr. Mason read a letter from Mr. Robert Morris, financier
of the United States, to Congress, wherein he one of the propriety of
laying the following taxes for the use of the United States; viz., six
shillings on every hundred acres of land, six shillings per poll, and ninepence
per gallon on all spirituous liquors distilled in the country. Mr. Mason
declared that he did not mean to make the smallest reflection on Mr. Morris,
but introduced his letter to show what taxes would probably be laid.]

·
He (Mr. George Mason) -then
continued: This will at least show that such taxes were in agitation, and were
strongly advocated by a considerable part of Congress. I have read this letter
to show that they will lay taxes most easy to be collected. {265} without any
regard to our convenience; so that, instead of amusing ourselves with a
diminution of our taxes, we may, rest assured that they will be increased. But
my principal reason for introducing it was, to show that taxes would be laid by
those who are not acquainted with our Situation, and that the agents of the
collection may be consulted upon the most productive and simple mode of
taxation. The gentleman who wrote this letter had more information on this
subject than we have; but this will show gentlemen that we are not to be eased
of taxes. Any of those taxes which have been pointed out by this financier as
the most eligible, will be ruinous and unequal, and will be particularly
oppressive on the poorest part of the people."

VI. Fragment Of The Debates in The Convention of the State of
Connecticut on the Adoption of the Federal Constitution

·
Oliver Elsworth - "But to come nearer home. Mr. President,
have we not see and felt the necessity of such a coercive power?

o
What was the consequence of the want of it during the late war,
particularly towards the close?

o
A few states bore the burden of the war.

o
While we and one or two more of the states were paying eighty or a
hundred dollars per man to recruit the Continental army, the regiments of some
states had scarcely men enough to wait on their officers.

o
Since the close of the war, some of the states have done nothing
toward complying with the requisitions of Congress.

o
Others. who did something at first, seeing that they were left to
bear the whole burden, have become equally remiss.

o
What is the consequence? To what shifts have we been driven?

o
To the wretched expedient of negotiating new loans in Europe, to
pay the interest of the foreign debt.

o
And what is still worse, we have even been obliged to apply the
new loan to the support of our own civil government at home."

·
JANUARY 7, 1788. [On the Power of Congress to
lay Taxes.]

OLIVER ELSWORTH.

o
"Direct taxation can go but little way towards raising a
revenue.

o
To raise money in this way, people must be provident; they must
constantly be laying up money to answer the demands of the collector.

o
But you cannot make people thus provident.

o
If you would do any thing to the purpose, you must come in when
they are ending, and take a part with them.

o
This does not take away the tools of a man's business, or the
necessary utensils of his family: it only comes in when he is taking his
pleasure, and feels generous; when he is laying out a shilling for
superfluities, it take twopence of it for public use, and the remainder will do
him as much good a the whole.

o
I will instance two facts, which show how easily and insensibly a
revenue is raised by indirect taxation.

1.     I suppose
people in general are not sensible that we pay a tax to the state of New York.
Yet it is an incontrovertible fact, that we, the people of Connecticut, pay
annually into the treasury of New York more than fifty thousand dollars.

2.     Another
instance I will mention: one of our common river sloops pays i the West Indies
a portage bill of £60. This is a tax Which foreigners lay upon us, and we
pay it; for a duty laid upon our shipping, which transports our produce to
foreign markets, sinks the price of our produce, and operates as an effectual
tax upon those who till the ground, and bring the fruits of it to market.

o
All nations have seen the necessity and propriety of raising a
revenue by indirect taxation, by duties upon articles of consumption.

§  France
raises a revenue of twenty-four millions sterling per annum; and it is chiefly
in this way.

§  Fifty
millions of livres they raise upon the single article of salt.

§  The Swiss
cantons raise almost the whole of their revenue upon salt.

§  Those states
purchase all the salt which is to be used in the country: they sell it out to
the people at an advanced price; the advance is the revenue of the country.

§  In
England, the whole public revenue is about twelve millions sterling per annum.

§  The land
tax amounts to about two millions; the window and some other taxes, to about
two millions more.

§  The other
eight millions are raised upon articles of consumption.

§  The whole
standing army of Great Britain could not enforce the collection of this vast
sum by direct taxation.

§  In
Holland, their prodigious taxes, amounting to forty shillings for each
inhabitant, are levied chiefly upon articles of consumption. They excise every
thing, not excepting even their houses of infamy.

VII. Other
Prominent Early Americans Who May Have Held Undue Influence upon
the Constitutional Conventions, Constitution wording &
Banking Systems

1. Secretary of State Edmund J. Randolph history of treason
& embezzlement of the treasury

§
Political Experience

§
State Constitutional Convention of Virginia 1776

§
Clerk of the Virginia House of delegates 1778-1779

§
Continental Congress 1779-1780

§
Confederation Congress 1781-1782

§
Attorney General of Virginia 1776-1786

§
Governor of Virginia 1786-1789

§
Annapolis Convention Signer 1786

§
Attorney General of the United States 1789-1794

§
U.S. Secretary of State, 1794-1795

§
In 1794 Attorney General Edmund Randolph with the French Ambassador
Edmond Genet organized private armies for the purpose of invading Florida and
Louisiana.  They intended to set up a separate country on the border of
the thirteen states to invade and recover the United States for England"

§
When President Washington learned of Genet's plans, he instructed
Secretary of State Randolph to withdraw Genet's credentials and expel him from
the country.  Randolph assisted Genet by failing to act on Washington's
instructions.

§
President Washington issued the order himself and
fired Randolph

§
When the State Department books were
examined it was found Randolph had embezzled 165 kilograms of gold (363
lbs.) which was never found

§
The subversion of America was underway no
later than 1788.

§
Source 1  "The French Revolution, Nesta Webster &

§
Source 2 "The Mystery and The Fraud" by Anthony L. Harqis
Institute

2.  Secretary of Treasury Alexlander Hamilton (Attorney)

o
was also a former aide to Robert Morris founder
of Bank of North America

o
Federalists gathered around Hamilton's idea of a central bank

o
Congress would not emit bills of credit, the bank would

o
Hamiliton and Jefferson(Secretary of State) were at great odds
over a central bank system

o
Jefferson position was that
the Constitution did not grant Congress power to create a bank.

§  "A
private central bank issuing the public currency is a greater menace to the
liberties of the people than a standing army."

§  " We
must not let our rulers loads us with perpetual debt."

o
Hamilton position

§  "No
society could succeed which did not unite the interest and credit of such
individuals with those of the state.

§  "A national
debt, if it is not excessive, will be to us a national blessing"

o
Hamilton was responsible for starting the Bank of New York (1784 -
?)

o
Working in concert with Hamilton, Aaron
Burr helped to secure a charter and raise subscriptions for a
private company to improve the water supply of pestilence-ridden Manhattan,
but New Yorkers were shocked to learn that the surplus capital from the venture
had been used to establish the Bank of Manhattan (renamed the Bank of New
York). The Bank of New York was created by Hamilton and other wealthy New
York investors that included Burr and the Bank of England. It was, and is still,
underwritten by the Bank of England and was later chartered by the Congress
as the First Bank of the United States.

Mortal combat

Hamilton became a mortal enemy of Aaron
Burr. In 1791, Burr's election to the U.S. Senate unseated Senator
Philip Schuyler and made a lifelong enemy of Schuyler's son-in-law, Hamilton.
In 1792, Hamilton played a leading role in denying Burr the governorship of New
York. The former had thrown his support to Thomas Jefferson, formerly his
political adversary, in a successful effort to defeat Burr for the presidency
in the disputed Election of 1800.

o    On
July 11, 1804, Hamilton and Burr met in a pistol duel at Weehawken, New
Jersey, in which Hamilton sustained a mortal wound. Alexander
Hamilton was a talented political figure in American history, but he was
prevented from achieving widespread recognition because of an overbearing
nature and an inability to relate to the concerns of the common man. His views
on the issues of favoring federal authority over the states rights, now firmly
established, are still argued today.

*The Bank of New York, opened on June 9, 1784, was created by
private investors and chartered (underwritten) by The Bank of England.
It was the first bank in New York City.

The Bank won a 20-year charter from Congress that was rescinded in
1811, due to its association with the Bank of England, tight monetary policies,
and competition with state chartered banks. Some accused it of corruption,
but it survived and continues to operate independently.

o
In 1913, the Bank of New York became the
controlling bank of America's central banking scheme, the Federal Reserve System.  http://www.u-s-history.com/pages/h367.html

Hamilton was responsible for
starting the First Bank of U.S. modeled after Bank of England (1791- 1811)

·
Capitalized on less than 9%
of charter requirements

·
Hamilton was a Rothschild
supporter

3.  "Rothschild banking dynasty in Europe had extensive
& powerful influence in dictating American financial laws." E. Griffin

4.  Robert Morris -

o
"Organized America's first Bank - Bank of North America modeled
after Bank of England (1782-83)

o
the bank was fraudulent from the start and went bankrupted after
the war

o
member of Congress & leader of a groups of politicians &
merchants who wanted the new nation to imitate the mercantilism of
England"

o
They wanted high taxes, a powerful centralized  government,
high tariffs, large army & navy, colonial outposts in foreign lands and
markets

o
He profited greatly from the American Revolution

o
He was the financial wizard of Congress"

o
Started Bank of Massachusetts (1784 - ?)

·
Source:  Edward Griffin The Creature From
Jekyll Island

References

1. The Creature From Jekyll Island

2. http://www.constitution.org/elliot.htm

3. "The Great Income Tax Hoax", Irwin Schiff

4. "Property and Freedom", Richard Pipes

5. Commonwealth of Virginia Debates - http://www.constitution.org/rc/rat_va_09.htm

6. The Address & Reason of Dissent of the Minority of the
Convention of Pennsylvania To Their Constitution -http://www.constitution.org/afp/penn_min.htm

7. Debates In The Convention Of The State Of North Carolina On The
Adoption Of the Federal Constitution - http://www.constitution.org/rc/rat_nc.htm

8. Fragment Of The Debate In the Convention Of The State Of
Connecticut On The Adoption Of The Federal Constitution - http://www.constitution.org/rc/rat_ct.htm

9.  Our Constitution - The Myth that Binds Us, Eric
Black

10.  The Constitution That Never Was, Ralph
Boryszewski

Jack Venrick

Enumclaw, Washington

www.freedomforallseasons.org